Red, Brown & Blue

Should We Tax Fat to Reform America’s Health?

Here’s a whopper for you to chew on: Why not tax fat?

We tax cigarettes, gasoline and alcohol to dissuade their use and help pay for the damage they cause. So why not tax unhealthy food to reduce its appeal as well as pay for the health care costs generated by the growing burden of obesity? For added convenience and speed, I’d start by ordering up such a tax on fast food, pronto.

Let’s face it, two/thirds of Americans are afflicted by the obesity epidemic. Our expanding national waistline correlates to our bulging health care budget, accounting for $147 billion a year in medical bills. Experts at Johns Hopkins project that by 2015, 75% of Americans will be overweight or obese, calling the trend “a public health crisis.” Rather than accept it, why not fight the fat? It starts and ends with taxpayers, so why not grease the wheels with a fat tax?

The biggest reason people are obese is the way they eat. And cheap, fast food is at the congested heart of the matter. According to TIME Magazine, it is the largesse of taxpayers that enables McDonald’s to offer a Big Mac, fries and a Coke for under $5. Our tax dollars underwrite USDA subsidies to corn farmers. Cheap, abundant corn feeds our obsession with beef and pork, whose mass production relies on low-cost, unsanitary methods masked by antibiotics. All to feed America’s insatiable appetite for self destruction. Seen the glut of commercials touting bacon cheeseburgers lately? Given that the industry spends $10 billion in annual advertising, I reckon so. Heard of Burger King’s new “Enormous Omelet Sandwich?” Or Hardee’s “Monster Thickburger,” weighing in at 1,420 calories and 107 grams of fat? Yes, they chose those names, not me.  And their branding gurus make fat sound cool. According to MSNBC, the fun and games are a result of a “race among fast-food companies to lure customers with bigger, fattier and more filling menu offerings.”

Well, I’m glad someone’s running. Unfortunately, the only fast track the people buying this value-priced smorgasbord of excess are currently on is a one-way to the ER preceded by a pit stop at the newly expanded Big & Tall section of their friendly, accommodating, neighborhood Wal-Mart.

Sadly, our culture of obesity – in which fat is the new normal – is costing us dearly and will likely kill us unless we come to terms with the fact that it’s not healthy and it’s not good, not for individuals, not for our country, and certainly not for taxpayers.

You see, after our tax-payer subsidized corporate agriculture industry enables fast-food giants to ply us with sinful delights for some denomination of 99 cents, our obesity bloats our health costs, which in turn must be underwritten in some way or another by guess who? Taxpayers, the go-to item on the Congressional drive-thru menu. So as taxpayers fund the subsidies for the cheap entrees and pick up the tab for the care and drugs for the generously included sides of heart disease, diabetes, high blood pressure, sleep apnea, etc., I’m left wondering: who’s profiting?

When I diagrammed the cycle of profiteering, I came up with: agribusiness, pharmaceuticals (70% of anti-microbial drugs are administered to animals, not humans), food manufacturers, fast-food/restaurants, and finally health care and pharmaceuticals (again) trying to clean up the mess. Perhaps I should include leather goods companies benefiting from selling longer belts or lumber companies supplying extra wood for super-sized coffins?

Interestingly, when I cross-referenced the beneficiaries with the ranking of Top 50 Congressional contributors I discovered a Double Whopper: Health Professionals (#2), Insurance (#6), Pharmaceuticals (#11), Hospitals (#21), Crop Production (#22), Food & Beverage (#39), and Food Processing/Sales (#50). How’s that for a Monstrous Combo Meal?

Apparently, our tax dollars and special interest contributions have engendered subsidies to a system designed to make us sick at our own expense. So, as we consider how to pay for health care reform, we should consider this tasty approach:

Tax fast food and high-fat, processed foods. Place a surtax on companies profiting from the sale of such foods. Shift subsidies away from corn towards the production of fresh fruits and vegetables as well as organic, sustainable farming so that healthier, more natural food becomes as affordable and accessible as Chicken McNuggets.

While we’re at it, let’s regulate fast food advertising so our kids aren’t brainwashed to seek out happiness in a vacuous meal by age 3.

Finally, I respectfully suggest that the First Lady build on the success of her organic garden to lead the fight against fast food as a fundamental component of the White House’s proposed health care reform.

After all, the best place to start reforming our broken health care system is by first nourishing a healthier America. How’s that for a Big Mac Attack?

Rudy Ruiz has been hailed as a cultural visionary. A published author and multicultural advocate, Ruiz is an acclaimed multicultural communications entrepreneur. He founded Red Brown and Blue as well as Interlex, one of the nation’s leading advocacy marketing agencies ranked by Ad Age as one of the Top US Agencies across all disciplines. Prior to that, Ruiz earned his BA in Government at Harvard College and his Masters in Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

Signs of a Dangerous Undertow

Is it more than coincidence that what sparked a Congressman to yell at a black president were his feelings about brown immigrants?

The evidence is circumstantial, but the same might have once been said about the tip of the iceberg that sank the Titanic.

In the midst of President Obama’s speech to Congress on health care reform, after the president denied that legislation would provide free coverage for illegal immigrants, Rep. Joe Wilson (R-South Carolina) shouted disruptively, “You lie!”

Is it ironic or predictable that such anti-immigrant sentiment would spew forth from a representative of the state boasting the country’s fastest growing Hispanic population? Either way, it speaks volumes about what it’s like to be Latino right now, legal or not.

Funny that Wilson is from the Old South, land of the stereotypical “southern gentleman.” Unfortunately, he chose to embody a less favorable stereotype, one substantiated by his membership in what MSNBC’s Keith Olbermann described as “a radicalized, insurrection-glorifying group, accused of harboring white supremacists, called ‘Sons Of Confederate Veterans.’”

I wonder if he’d rudely heckle a white president? I wonder if he’d be so concerned about immigrants benefiting from health care reform if those immigrants weren’t changing the complexion of South Carolina?

I ask because if the health care debate has become heated to the point of hostility, what lies ahead for the immigration debate, given its obvious racial and ethnic overtones?

Wilson’s explosion foreshadows the combustible nature of our nation’s ongoing culture war. He and his ilk don’t want to pay for health care for those who can’t afford it, nor for illegal immigrants not paying taxes. Really, they just don’t want immigrants, period. They won’t admit the real reasons behind their stance because they know racist sentiment is political suicide. They’ll try to claim justification in the rule of law, but in moments like Wilson’s accusation, their true motivations are revealed.

Veins throbbing, skin flushed red, finger pointed in judgment, Wilson flashed his true colors. Publicly calling our president a liar, his actions exposed the nexus of opposition to both health care and immigration reform as a force motivated by fear, anger and hatred. His finger was really aimed squarely at people of color, who comprise nearly all of the immigrants in question and a disproportionate segment of the uninsured, not to mention those swept up in the current, including our president.

I can speak to this first-hand because when I’ve advocated for immigration reform, I’ve received comments like: “You’re lucky we let you stay in the country.”

Well, I should hope so since I was born and raised here and am an American citizen. However, the feedback illustrates the current I’m talking about. Anti-immigrant fervor fosters a general anti-Latino climate because beneath the surface lurks the same fear of cultural change. Tragically, it all swirls with the potential for a continuing rise in menacing hate crimes.

Wondering how Wilson’s hateful outburst played in South Carolina, I reviewed press coverage in his district, finding a mixture of surprise, disappointment and pride. Most disturbing was the pride.

One Wilson constituent, sitting among patrons at a diner near Columbia, told the Associated Press: “He’s the only one who has guts in that whole place. He’ll get re-elected in a landslide.”

If so, I’ll understand why the Southern Poverty Law Center ranks South Carolina third among the Top 5 Hot Spots for Hate Groups. At least 45 such organizations exist in Wilson’s state.

In his mea culpa, Wilson confessed: “I let my emotions get the best of me when listening to the president’s remarks regarding the coverage of illegal immigrants in the health care bill.”

But the apology doesn’t mean that “emotions” like Wilson’s won’t resurface. In fact, if the subsequent increase in contributions to Wilson’s campaign is any indication, the Congressman is backed by many like-minded supporters. We must keep a keen eye on Wilson and his allies, because the waves he has made are a sign of dangerous undercurrents threatening to drown civil, honest and safe discourse in America.

We cannot tolerate rage that threatens civil discourse and public safety over national debate.

We must aggressively ascertain and expose the true motivations of immigration opponents so we can respond with a corresponding moral force that lives up to our ideals as a people.

We should be aware that anti-immigrant sentiment leads to anti-Latino sentiment as many fail to distinguish between Latinos born and raised here, legal immigrants, and those here illegally.

We must stop negative emotions from fanning fires of hate that could unleash more heinous crimes.

While the White House graciously accepted Wilson’s apology, the damage is done with the hate-mongers in our society, who are emboldened by reckless leaders like the Congressman from South Carolina.

I believe in forgiveness, but not in forgetting – or ignoring – what lurks beneath the waters that lie ahead.

Rudy Ruiz has been hailed as a cultural visionary. A published author and multicultural advocate, Ruiz is an acclaimed multicultural communications entrepreneur. He founded Red Brown and Blue as well as Interlex, one of the nation’s leading advocacy marketing agencies ranked by Ad Age as one of the Top US Agencies across all disciplines. Prior to that, Ruiz earned his BA in Government at Harvard College and his Masters in Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

Public Option: Much-Needed Insurance for Latinos

Most people today are focused on health insurance reform. I’m concerned about ensuring that the Latino community’s needs are fully met by such a reform.

There are approximately 46 million uninsured Americans. About 1/3^rd of those are Latinos. And according to the White House, 34% of Latinos lack health insurance.

“Latinos are by far the largest group of uninsured,” President Obama said. “Passing reform that addresses the vulnerability of this community is a critical pillar for a new economy.”

So how do we ensure reform meets not only the exigencies of reluctant Republicans and balking Blue Dogs but also the urgencies of the Latino uninsured?

Digging into the numbers and my experiences as a public policy communicator, I believe the Public Option is crucial to meet the needs of underserved communities.

Our privately-run health care system has failed minority groups dismally for generations, contributing to deadly health disparities among Latinos and Blacks. I’m not convinced regulating the same old health insurance providers while squeezing their budgets will create the paradigm shift required to radically alter this industry’s approach to the unique challenges Latinos face. According to the Office of Minority Health, “Hispanic health is often shaped by factors such as language/cultural barriers, lack of access to preventive care, and the lack of health insurance.” Making matters worse, Corporate America faces cultural obstacles of its own in tackling minority health needs.

My skepticism is informed by my experiences at Interlex, the advocacy marketing agency I co-founded in 1995, through which I’ve worked with the American Cancer Society, American Diabetes Association, numerous State health departments, and over a dozen hospitals.

At one point, Interlex was engaged by an insurance company specializing in illnesses that severely impact Latinos. The company – devoid of Latino executives – required assistance connecting with our community. We flew into action. The first obstacle was that they had not allocated time for developing culturally relevant materials, forcing us to merely translate their CMS-approved copy to hit their launch date. Accustomed to creating in-culture communications, we were chagrinned but determined to introduce Latinos to this important resource for their prevalent conditions. We overcame the content challenge via imagery and a grassroots team penetrating barrios and churches with the potent air cover of a multimedia campaign. Response exceeded the client’s goals. Then the second obstacle emerged. Insufficient leads were converting into customers. Among those enrolled, retention suffered. What was wrong? We discovered the answer speaking with patients. The health insurance company with the plan designed and marketed for Latinos had failed to hire bilingual salespeople, customer service representatives and clinicians to sell the plan and deliver the care. How did they correct this? Did they hire and train new personnel? Did they regroup and reengineer their approach to be more culturally relevant? No. Instead they pulled the plug on their Latino effort altogether. Servicing Latino customers – given their special needs – was more costly than projected and the returns less lucrative than anticipated. Latino patients were simply not “good business.” So, adios, amigos.

Welcome to traditionally underserved communities. If they were easier to serve and if corporations better understood how to profit doing so, they wouldn’t be neglected. Health disparities might become a distant memory of vanquished social injustice.

That’s why the Public Option is vital. It will provide a recourse for those not adequately – or equitably – served by private insurers. Through my work with government health agencies, I’ve found they’re largely comprised of fair-minded civil servants with a genuine concern for traditionally underserved audiences. They draw on extensive experience conducting outreach and purveying assistance to low-income Latinos. In Texas, when Interlex served the Department of Health, 66% of WIC’s client base was Latino. You better believe we were developing in-culture, in-language materials and they were providing service in Spanish. Public health professionals with this base of experience can build on the effectiveness of programs like Medicaid and WIC to cover and serve the 15 million uninsured Latinos. And they don’t operate under the pressure of hitting profit goals to earn bonuses at the expense of patients.

The President – buoyed by Latino leaders – should champion a Public Option within health care reform.

According to the National Hispanic Medical Association’s president, Elena Rios: “Hispanics have the worst record in terms of [health disparities.] We have the most to gain in terms of health reform.”

I couldn’t agree more. While I’m fortunate enough to be covered, I’d welcome a little insurance that health reform will truly help all people in need, including Latinos.

Rudy Ruiz has been hailed as a cultural visionary. A published author and multicultural advocate, Ruiz is an acclaimed multicultural communications entrepreneur. He founded Red Brown and Blue as well as Interlex, one of the nation’s leading advocacy marketing agencies ranked by Ad Age as one of the Top US Agencies across all disciplines. Prior to that, Ruiz earned his BA in Government at Harvard College and his Masters in Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

What This Border Boy Saw in Ted Kennedy

I met Ted Kennedy one breezy autumn afternoon in Boston’s North End. I was surprised to see him alone, striding across the street with one hand in his pocket and his trademark jaw jutting up towards the slate grey sky, looking every bit the sartorial Senator.

Without hesitation, my pulse quickening with my pace, I changed course to intercept him as he reached the corner and waited to cross. In my early 20′s, probably wearing my school uniform of torn jeans, who knows what he might have expected me to say as his curious, twinkling blue eyes pierced mine.

I offered my hand and blurted out, “Senator Kennedy, my name is Rudy Ruiz and I’m a student at the Kennedy School of Government. I just wanted to meet you and thank you for all that you and your family do.”

There. I’d said it. My cheeks were probably flushed redder than his, but we were both smiling. He warmly replied in that classic accent, “It’s good to meet you, Rudy.”

For him I was but one of probably hundreds of thousands of people he met throughout his long and illustrious career, eager to shake his hand, admiring of his towering achievements, frankly in awe of his family’s legacy. But for that moment, he paused and genuinely fulfilled my wish to converse with him, granting me a lifelong memory I’ve always cherished.

With his passing, I’ve remembered that moment poignantly. And I’ve marveled about how much Ted Kennedy and the Kennedy legacy has meant to me in my life, a phenomenon that at first glance I found rare but upon further reflection makes perfect sense.

Born on the US-Mexico border – in Brownsville, Texas – what could a small town boy who didn’t speak a word of English when entering kindergarten relate to within the persona of Ted Kennedy and the mythos of his wealthy, powerful family of New England aristocrats?

As a child I was first drawn to the Kennedy mystique while devouring biographies in my elementary school library. Somewhat of a nascent policy geek, I appreciated and admired the stories of great American heroes much like any other child growing up anywhere in our nation. When I read the book about Teddy’s older brother, John, I was moved to tears. I must have been about 10 years old and – like many full-grown adults to this day – I could not understand how someone with so much promise could be so ruthlessly cut down in his prime, robbing all of us and the world of his vision, charisma and heart. John F. Kennedy’s formula for success, though, shared a variable with several other Presidents who also made an impression on me, including John Adams, Teddy Roosevelt and Franklin Delano Roosevelt. The common denominator was Harvard, one that Ted Kennedy shared as well. In the pages of those books, the seed was planted in my mind that in order to achieve my fullest potential and contribute to my country I should start at Harvard.

When I asked my mom about John F. Kennedy, she mournfully recalled the day he was assassinated.

“I was working as a teller in a large bank in Mexico City the day it happened,” she said, a faraway look in her eyes. “When they announced in the lobby that President Kennedy had been killed, everyone stopped what they were doing. It was completely quiet. And then everybody broke down crying.”

I asked her why people in Mexico were so affected by his death. To which she explained, as if I should have known at birth, that the Kennedys had always been loved in Mexico, that they were also great friends of immigrants, and they were simply good people devoted to helping others. A devout Catholic, my mom naturally attributed much of this commitment to serving humanity to the Kennedy’s faith. She then told me that John F. Kennedy had faced great challenges overcoming prejudice against Catholics to win the presidency.

I was stunned. I had learned in school about the struggles of African Americans to gain freedom and equality, but I had no idea Catholics or Irish Americans had faced prejudices as well. When I asked her why people were afraid of having a Catholic as president, she replied it was because they worried that he would be subject to the Pope’s influence and thus undermine American sovereignty.

I found it hard to believe, but my appreciation for the Kennedy family was only heightened by the discovery of those two commonalities: their experience as an immigrant minority and their religion. The fact that they had overcome prejudice in ascending to prominence also fueled my own aspirations to rise beyond the circumstances of the border, with Harvard as the gateway to that future.

When Teddy ran for President in 1980 I was twelve years old but followed it as closely as I could, enamored with the possibility that the shattered dream of Camelot might be poetically restored via the youngest brother.

And when the Senator’s fatal flaw doomed his candidacy, I found him strangely more compelling a figure, tragic in his own right, enigmatic. He was a sobering reminder that – regardless of our childhood dreams – not all of us can be President. Most of us probably do not manage to reach the pinnacle of our dreams. But that doesn’t mean we should give up on doing good for the world. That’s a lesson to be learned from Ted Kennedy. For despite all of his name recognition, family wealth and connections, Kennedy failed to capture the brass ring of the Presidency. And, while he wavered at times, in the end he persevered in his efforts to quietly, consistently deliver on the idealistic promises embodied by his clan.

Looking back at his most famous speeches, two seem to stand out: his eulogy at brother Robert’s funeral and his concession speech at the 1980 Democratic Convention.

At St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York, he said of his brother Bobby: “My brother need not be idealized, or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life, to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it…”

Later when conceding defeat to Jimmy Carter, he electrified the crowd with his rousing sentiments as he proclaimed that despite his defeat, “…the cause endures, the hope still lives and the dream shall never die.”

As memorable as his words were in those moments of loss, more memorable is the manner in which he forged those values into law in the decades that followed, touching millions of lives via his authoring and support of far-reaching legislation in the areas of civil rights, immigration reform, health care and social services.

He failed. He wavered. But in the end, he persevered in doing good work.

Coincidentally, those were his parting words to me that crisp, cool day in Boston’s version of Little Italy. As he stepped off the curb, he looked back at me and cheered me on: “Keep up the good work!”

Speechless, I stood there with a goofy smile plastered on my face as I watched one of my heroes walk away.

When I graduated from Harvard’s Kennedy School I was inspired by the Kennedy legacy to apply myself to the betterment of society, to serving diverse communities and individuals in need, and to search for creative, entrepreneurial ways of doing so.

Since I didn’t reply to the Senator then, I’ll do so now as I join the world in watching him walk away with his head held high:

Senator, thanks to you and your family’s inspiration and accomplishments. In transcending race, religion, class and nation of origin, your ideals and spirit were truly the essence of America. For that reason, they resonate with people from Boston to the border, from Latin America to London. And regardless of whether I realize the fullness of my dreams, whether my shortcomings slow my progress, whether I waver at times, I will keep up the good work. Hopefully, thanks to your example, many others will do the same.

Rudy Ruiz has been hailed as a cultural visionary. A published author and multicultural advocate, Ruiz is an acclaimed multicultural communications entrepreneur. He founded Red Brown and Blue as well as Interlex, one of the nation’s leading advocacy marketing agencies ranked by Ad Age as one of the Top US Agencies across all disciplines. Prior to that, Ruiz earned his BA in Government at Harvard College and his Masters in Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

CNN Commentary: Tragic Neglect of Immigration

One of the greatest challenges for minorities in any democracy is that their priorities often differ with those of the majority.

Consequently, even if a minority group does not experience outright tyranny, it can suffer tragic neglect. That’s the lingering problem with immigration reform.

Latino leaders have long called for comprehensive immigration reform. During the presidential campaign, it finally seemed destined for reality as candidates sought the crucial Latino vote.

But today, where’s immigration reform on the list of priorities?

Continue reading on CNN…

Rudy Ruiz has been hailed as a cultural visionary. A published author and multicultural advocate, Ruiz is an acclaimed multicultural communications entrepreneur. He founded Red Brown and Blue as well as Interlex, one of the nation’s leading advocacy marketing agencies ranked by Ad Age as one of the Top US Agencies across all disciplines. Prior to that, Ruiz earned his BA in Government at Harvard College and his Masters in Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.

Bringing Balance to the Beer Summit.

Like many Americans, I was surprised to see Vice President Biden at the Beer Summit that anticlimactically capped the racially charged incident of Harvard Professor Henry Louis Gates Jr.’s arrest by Sgt. James Crowley with all the fizz of a stale brew from a flat keg. But whereas some might think he brought little value to the Brewfest, I believe his vital purpose was bringing balance to its flavor.

Perhaps in the normal world, beyond the constant gaze of the cameras, Biden’s function would have simply been that of designated driver since he eschews alcohol. But in that awkward moment of anti-pomp and all-circumstance that was the Beer Summit, the Vice President was actually the designated White Guy, bringing visual balance to the party.

Exploring how his presence at the summit reinforces the meaninglessness of Biden’s Vice Presidency, Jonah Goldberg of USA Today writes that:

“Finally, [Biden's] talents were perfectly matched for the job: Providing nothing of substance…to a photo-op designed to be substance-free in the first place.”

While Biden’s verbose contributions to the contrived conversation may have lacked substance, his presence resonates as a powerful cultural symbol laden with meaning.

Without Biden at the table, the scene might have been interpreted as two Black Ivy League intellectuals ganging up on a White street cop. This image would have tapped into two issues that have troubled many Americans: The rising power of minorities as well as the image Obama battled during his campaign of intellectual elitism vs. old-fashioned blue-collar values. By inviting Biden to join in the festivities, President Obama deftly avoided both possible interpretations.

From a race-relations standpoint, the Obama campaign always skillfully navigated the tricky waters of appealing to a broad multicultural base while being Black. By prematurely labeling the Cambridge cop’s actions as “stupid,” Obama inadvertently made his first misstep on this treacherous terrain. But bringing Biden into the fold helped steady the ship at a Summit meant more to diffuse any potential exacerbation of racial tensions by the series of events than anything else. Perhaps more tellingly, Biden’s requisite presence at that Summit illuminates the need in America for the White majority to perceive a modicum of racial balance while marching forward with the process of ceding proportionate power to ethnic minorities be it via elected or appointed positions. Underlying that need is an oft unspoken fear that may grip many who oppose the Obamas and Sotomayors of our world: that someday in the future Whites may become the minority. And given the history of discrimination and prejudice minorities have faced, that is not a future many may be looking to embrace. In that cultural-political context, the appearance of racial balance in the halls of power seems vital for the White majority to feel comfortable in accepting the inevitable changes in governance spurred by demographic shifts in our population. Ironically, the need for such “balance” is not felt by that same majority in situations such as the grilling of Sotomayor by a cadre of condescending White male Senators.

Goldberg poses the question “Why Biden?” At both the Beer Summit and in his broader role as VP, the answer is likely one and the same: Because Biden’s the token White guy. Test it this way, would the VP have been invited to the Summit had he been Black or Latino? And with a Black man as the Presidential candidate, would a Black or Latino have been chosen as his running mate? Of course not. At the intersection of race and politics, where images and emotion are palpable, Biden brings substance to the White House all right. And he always will. Biden’s role in simple terms: he puts the “White” in White House. He keeps the race equation in balance. For lots of folks, that might be just enough to finally give the Veep a break while raising a frosty mug of their own in his honor.

Rudy Ruiz has been hailed as a cultural visionary. A published author and multicultural advocate, Ruiz is an acclaimed multicultural communications entrepreneur. He founded Red Brown and Blue as well as Interlex, one of the nation’s leading advocacy marketing agencies ranked by Ad Age as one of the Top US Agencies across all disciplines. Prior to that, Ruiz earned his BA in Government at Harvard College and his Masters in Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.